James Pleasants

James Pleasants deserves more fame than he has received. He was raised a Quaker and served as Governor of Virginia, 1822-25. He also served in the Virginia House of Delegates, the U.S. House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate.

Within the context of his times, Pleasants was quite reform minded. He was in a unique position to influence change. Through his Quaker father, he was related to many reformers. Through his aristocratic mother, he was a cousin to Thomas Jefferson and related to other rich and powerful people.

As Governor, his most successful reform was the elimination of public flogging in favor of incarceration. His efforts to establish public education, improve roads and attain fairer representation for western counties were less successful.

He spoke out for free blacks at a time when Virginia law required that they be removed from the state. This law was finally relaxed in 1828. Throughout most of his career, Pleasants was a staunch Jeffersonian. However, his opposition to the policies of Andrew Jackson led him to support the Whig Party. His son, John, was the first editor of the Richmond Whig. His Quaker heritage may have contributed to his remarkable personality. A contemporary, John Randolph, said that Pleasants “never lost a friend or gained an enemy.”

In some way, he was only a Friend in the same sense as Richard Nixon. Jay Worrall, in The Friendly Virginian, called him “a Quaker turned politician.” For his law practice, he traveled in a fancy carriage that cost a whooping $250. He held 18 slaves on his Goochland County plantation. As a Congressman, he supported the War of 1812. Still, there is no reference to James Pleasansts that does not mention his Quaker heritage.

Wayne Young has provided us the information above on James Pleasants, a Virginia governor, who was influenced by Quakers..

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 “The Religious Society of Friends in Virginia has long standing interest in penal reform. For example in 1788 of 66 criminals tried, twenty-five were convicted and executed, three imprisoned, one burnt in the hand and thirty-seven discharged. In 1796, Virginia reformed its penal laws so “that no crime whatsoever committed by any free person should be punished with death, except murder in the first degree. In 1799, Virginia abolished capital punishment and replaced it with one to ten years in the penitentiary (operated in part by Richmond Quakers) “fearing that some unfortunate victim might be deprived of life, contrary to those (humanitarian) principles.” In 1802 capital punishment was reinstated for treason. James Lownes and Thomas Ladd, two members of the Richmond Meeting, regretted not making a deeper study of capital punishment and thus refrained from making a recommendation about it to the legislature.” (History of Richmond Friends Meeting, 1795-1962) by Mary Fran Hughes McIntyre, 1979.

Author and RFM member Margaret Edds continues in the tradition of those two Friends’ concerns about capital punishment with her new book An Expendable Man: The Near-Execution of Earl Washington, Jr.. (New York University Press, 2003). She provides readers a clearer understanding of the history and the modern day reality of the Virginia justice system as evidenced in the case study of Earl Washington, a 23-year-old black man from Culpeper, who by his own confession was sentenced in 1985 for the murder of a young white mother. He was incarcerated for 18 years and spent nine years on death row. The defendant was mentally retarded with a 69 IQ (age 10 equivalency). What we learn is that people with this level of retardation are usually very agreeable and willing to say what they are asked to say. His legal team argued that this was cause for his confession. Not surprisingly Earl Washington was a model prisoner with no infractions and liked by guards and inmates alike. DNA evidence eventually proved him not guilty. Washington now lives in Virginia Beach, where he works as a handyman and is newly married to a woman he met through his community mental health program.

This chilling story also provides insight into a system of representation where appointed legal counsel can be inadequate, why videotaping a confession to insure accuracy as well as to show body language is important, and how gubernatorial politics can play a part. Governors Wilder and Gilmore both were asked to assist with pardons. In 1994, on the eve of departure from office, Wilder granted immunity from the death penalty based on new DNA findings but offered life in prison for Washington, who had rightfully been convicted in a second case for burglary and assault. In 1999 a filmmaker raised the inadequacies of the legal findings and the frailties of the justice system in the PBS Frontline series, helping once again to open up the legal process for Earl Washington. A public campaign, which included editorial support from many Virginia newspapers, followed. On October 2, 2000, Governor Gilmore granted an absolute pardon but gave the state parole board the question of when to release Washington. Four months later Washington was free.

 Richmonders Marie Deans of the Southern Coalition on Jails and Prisons and local attorney Jerry Zerkin are among the cast of characters who made up the legal team from around the country that spent years defending Earl Washington.  Ironically it was Joe Giarratano, another inmate on death row, who authored Washington’s early appeal for habeas corpus since Washington was intellectually unable to handle the research and writing for such an appeal.

Edds relates not only a fascinating story of injustice but does a fine job in helping readers to understand the intricacies of the Virginia justice system and the improving changes in DNA testing. Readers who are especially interested in the Virginia history of capital punishment will find some of that story also. She helps us to understand why capital punishment is wrong and how death penalty law and protocol can frequently be in error.

In June 2002, the U.S. Supreme Court banned capital punishment of offenders who are retarded. Edds argues that this is just a beginning. “The key will be in the extant to which defense attorneys are able to get skilled assessments of clients and persuade juries of intellectual deficits and gaps in adaptive behavior,” she says.

Margaret Edds has provided a free copy of her book to the RFM Library.

Robert Pleasants

Robert Pleasants, who was born at Curles in Henrico County, Virginia in 1723 and died in 1801, was one Virginia’s most noted Quaker abolitionists. As one of the founders of the Virginia Abolition Society in 1790, he served as president. In 1782 he successfully lobbied for the Manumission Act, which, within one decade, was responsible for freeing over ten thousand slaves in Virginia. In 1792 Mr. Pleasants submitted a petition to the U.S. Congress from the Virginia Abolition Society calling for the end of the slave trade. Mr. Pleasants went to court repeatedly to free hundreds of slaves. He wrote to Virginia leaders such as George Washington and Patrick Henry, asking that slavery be abolished. (See links below.)

In 1784, two years after manumitting his slaves, Mr. Pleasants founded the Gravelly Hill School, the first school for free blacks in Virginia, and set aside 350 acres of land to maintain the schools. Henrico Parks and Recreation dedicated a historic maker on the Gravelly Hill Site in 2003.

The Oregon Hill Neighborhood Association successfully petitioned the  Richmond City Council in 2003 to name Pleasants Park at 401 South Laurel Street for Robert Pleasants.

Robert Pleasants Links:

1777 Letter to Patrick Henry (transcribed)

1785 Letter to George Washington (transcribed)

1790 Abolition Society Advertisement (original)

The Virginia Abolition Society (Article)

1790 Letter to Virginia Independent Chronicle (Transcribed)

1791 Memorial of the Virginia Society (Transcribed)

Quaker Women In the 19th Century

March is Women’s History Month as declared by Congress, the Virginia legislature and the Richmond City Council in the 1980s. Thus, we want to share with you this month the stories of 19th century Quaker sisters Lucy and Sarah Chase, Eunice Congdon and Sarah Smiley (photo left), along with others. These women traveled to Virginia during the Civil War to be of assistance. Our thanks to authors Jay Worrell and Linda Selleck for the material presented below.

In 1862 Sarah and Lucy Chase from Worchester, MA arrived in Norfolk, Virginia. Lucy was age 39 and her sister, Sarah, age 25. Right after Union troops got control of the area around Norfolk in December 1862, Lucy and Sarah appeared in their Quaker bonnets.  They came as emissaries of the Boston Education Commission. General Ben Butler, military governor of Norfolk, assigned the sisters to work with 2,000 ragged and bewildered Contrabands on Craney Island, six miles from Norfolk.

Craney Island’s muddy crudeness shocked the sisters. Late into the night they heard swelling spirituals sung, the chant and response sermons of black preachers. They survived severe homesickness. Army regulations frustrated them. They scourged for supplies, acted as teachers, nurses, mediators, counselors, and comforters. When a delegation of

New York Friends came to build them a schoolhouse, they were glad.

By early 1864 the Union armies had pushed up the James River from Norfolk halfway to Richmond. A company of eight or nine Friends came then to set up a Contraband area. The newly formed Friends Freedman’s Association of Philadelphia sent them. By this time the Chase sisters were seasoned refugee workers so they were invited to relocate to Slabtown, a new village for 400 refugee black families, near Yorktown.

Here they organized parties of black men to build a community center, a warehouse, and schoolhouses. Other work parties tended truck gardens for Slabtown’s food supply. A medical dispensary was established. Eunice Congdon from New England headed up the Quaker teachers at Slabtown. Lucy was so impressed with the teachers that she wrote home, saying, “The Friends have already done great work here. They have nearly 300 pupils in their day school and a large night school of adults.”

In 1865, within a week of surrender, Lucy and Sarah Chase visited Richmond. Soon they had a school underway in Richmond’s First African Church, enrolling a thousand black children and seventy-five adults.

Sarah Smiley joined the Chase sisters in Richmond to start her industrial school for adults there. She bought nine young Quaker teachers from the north to Richmond. She established a “Teachers’ Home” in Richmond and very likely was the person who established the shelter for abandoned black children that John Crenshaw and Richmond Meeting later made the Friends Asylum for Colored Children. Sarah Smiley joined Richmond Meeting in First Month 1866 and the Meeting later recorded her as a minister.

These Quaker women were among the many, who were excellent representatives of the sort of independent-minded women the Society of Friends were capable of producing in the first half of the 1800s. Their early exposure to religious thinking produced an ability to clearly define and obtain their own spiritual, intellectual, and professional needs. They had learned to coexist in the midst of controversy with dry charm and flexibility.

These women were not without friendly encouragement. From a distance their enlightened sisters steadily maintained personal communication and financial aid. Numerous northern-based support groups of Quaker women corresponded regularly with their transplanted Friends. Over the years, their contributions of funds enabled the women to focus immense energies into the cause of black assistance, despite the lack of white fellowship found in most southern communities.

SOURCES:

Selleck, Linda B.  Gentle Invader:” Quaker Women Educators and Racial Issues During the Civil War and Reconstruction. Athens, GA, Friends United Press, 1995.

Worrall, Jay, Jr.  The Friendly Virginians: America’s First Quakers.  Charlottesville, VA, Iberian Publishing Company, 1994.

 

American Quaker Beginnings

In his Notes on the State of Virginia, Thomas Jefferson reflected on the religious intolerance in seventeenth-century Virginia, specifically on the anti-Quaker laws passed by the Virginia Assembly from 1659 onward. Jefferson apparently believed that it was no more than an historical accident that Quakers had not been physically punished or even executed in Virginia as they had been in Massachusetts.

From “Religion and the Founding of the American Republic” pages on the Library of Congress website.